https://www.libdemvoice.org/liberal-democrats-adopt-definition-of-transphobia-65868.html
‘‘Trans’ is an umbrella term to describe people whose gender
is not the same as, or does not sit comfortably with, the sex they were
assigned at birth.’
WTF is gender? This is some sort of social construct that
has never been part of my life or my use of language. The words ‘he’ and ‘she’
refer to sex, as determined visually at birth. I can understand how within the
huge range of sexualities some people fantasise about being the other sex. But
what makes this different from me feeling like a handsome man trapped in an
ugly body? Or a young man trapped in an old man’s body? Do I have a disorder
and a claim on shared national resources for plastic surgery? Do I have a right
to anti-ageing treatment? Is it my right for others to treat me as if I were
handsome*; and to label them phobic and discriminatory if they do not wish to
have their behaviour controlled?
*We should acknowledge that treating people differently
is the source of unfairness and bigotry, and that mostly men, women, handsome,
ugly, young and old should be treated the same, as all humans have the same
moral worth. Pronoun campaigners do not pursue this ideal; they acknowledge the
reality that people from different categories are treated differently, and they
want to be free to choose which sex-based discrimination they prefer. They do
not mention choosing other forms of discrimination.
‘Where accidental offence or harm has been caused the most
appropriate course of action will generally be an apology, retraction or
similar.’
What sort of harm can be caused by being misunderstood? I
suppose if someone is able to take actions that affect others in objective
ways, and through misunderstanding does just that, then an apology might be
necessary: that’s negligent use of power. But speech alone must surely be
judged by intent. The hearer does not have the right to define what language
means and overrule what the speaker intended. The hidden assumption in this
statement is that other people are responsible for your own internal emotional
states: the offence that they couldn’t have predicted is nonetheless their
fault. It is the philosophical proposition of consequentialism applied to
communication, and there are plenty of reasonable arguments against
consequentialism as a defining feature of morality.
But questioning these assertions is itself offensive to the
listeners: it casts doubt on their identities, which are tied up with their
moral beliefs. And to the extent that their identities are so unwilling to
examine their own foundations, I am indeed their opponent. The unexamined life
is not worth living, and offence is not a reasonable substitute for
justification. And if they’re going to call that ‘phobic’, based on fear,
rather than, say, ‘amphibolic’ (meaning doubt), then in their unsupported
little bubbles that’s what I will have to be. I don’t feel very fearful,
though. I am disgusted, but by their philosophy, not their sexuality.
Gender identity is a personal construction and a self-image
with no basis in language. Forcing others to speak and act in a way that
conforms with your own self-perception is not a right; it’s oppressive. I can
insist that everyone calls me ‘super-handsome’ instead of ‘Dr.’, but this would
be recognised as ludicrous. I certainly am unlikely to get plastic surgery paid
for by the public to make me handsome. And yet mentioning the obvious
equivalence between such demands is itself a hate crime: questioning the
assumptions behind these beliefs is no longer regarded as legitimate debate.
Hence ‘dismissal of new names and pronouns and the identity they reflect.
This often takes the form of inappropriate comparisons (‘people will be
defining themselves as Muppets and Wombles next’)’ being an example of
transphobia. People defining themselves as muppets is a ‘reductio ad
absurdum’, which is a valid style of argument. It might be that you think
it misses something; that the principle people think opens the way to such
self-evidently ludicrous conclusions is a misunderstanding of the one being
espoused. The solution, then, is to enunciate the correct principle, not to accuse
someone of hatred.
What is
gender?
The core of modern trans
campaigning seems to be a concept of gender which is worth examining. We should
start with what I know, so that those who have thought carefully about the
issue can more readily spot where our thoughts have diverged, and those who
haven’t can catch up. And then we will gradually reach what seem like obvious
conclusions.
Gender is a grammatical term; it
is a property of words in some languages to be either ‘masculine’, ‘feminine’,
‘neuter’ or possibly more categories. English got rid of this pointless
property about a millenium ago when immigrants/conquerors couldn’t be bothered
to learn the detail of a new language.
Gender has also been used loosely
as a synonym for sex, which is a way to describe which set of dimorphic
characteristics a person has; either a male body or a female one. It has not
always had this meaning; 50 years ago the only entry in the dictionary was for
its grammatical meaning.
One’s sex has always been
determined by physical characteristics. Mediaeval Europeans thought that women
were men whose genitals had not descended (a fact I picked up from a book about
transgender attitudes but which seems less helpful to its thesis than the
author supposed). Sex was, apparently, determined by physical characteristics.
People behaved, and behave, in a
range of ways, rather than fitting perfectly into a binary classification of
masculine or feminine behaviour. One’s behaviour and character has always been
linked to one’s sex, both through biology and upbringing, and judged
accordingly, but is not one’s sex.
Some rare people do not develop
into a man or a woman, but show traits of both. This does not change the fact
that the population is overwhelmingly dimorphic.
Gender, recently, has come to be
used to describe a mental state; an identity. For an identity to be male or
female we must first define certain mental attributes as masculine or feminine.
For example, if we say that women are nice and men are nasty, then I would
identify as a woman; but if we agree that men can be nice, then the fact that I
regard myself as a nice person has no bearing on whether I am a man or a woman.
The same will hold true for every other trait, from aggression to sensitivity.
If men and women have access to the full range of human mental characteristics
then one’s mental state does not affect whether one is a man or woman.
This is the core point that
Germaine Greer made many years ago before she was exiled from the radical
feminist community for being ‘anti-trans’. Either you support the idea that men
and woman are equally governed by rules of civility and ethics with no distinction
made because of their sex; or you believe that there is a divide in behaviour
with some characters being male or female.
If you think the latter, then one
way to remain egalitarian rather than oppressive is to decree that people can
choose to be men or women. This way people still get to be themselves; they
simply might be ‘men’ in women’s bodies or ‘women’ in men’s. Or, for people who
have characters that don’t fit either of these two bigoted moulds, some new
gender such as ‘they/them’.
This is a very contorted way of
allowing people the freedom to be whatever character suits them when feminists
had already, after decades of campaigning, got society to admit that men and
women could be whatever character they chose. It steps back from this
achievement and regresses to the bigotry that there are mental identities that
only men or women can have; and then tries to make good this mistake by
claiming that people can choose to be a man or a woman.
People can indeed choose their
mental identity; believe and behave as they decide. They can be wrong, but they
still get to choose. This neither makes them man nor woman. This classification
is determined by physical characteristics. It is independent of someone’s sense
of self.
Our understanding of biology has
improved over the years. A pope once decreed that life begins with the first
breath, echoing an ancient belief in the breath of life. For Catholics, the
first breath was the moment the holy spirit injected a soul into the waiting
body; a physical manifestation of the soul entering the body.
We now know that the foetus
gradually develops, with a heartbeat at 4 months or so and brain activity at
5-6 months, although whether that is coherent consciousness is a different
question. Breath is irrelevant to life; the foetus ‘breathes’ through the placenta.
Life begins when there is a separate sentience, which begins some time after 5
months of development.
Our understanding of sex has
evolved too. We know about the internal organs and their development; we know
about genetics and x and y chromosomes. We have identified many errors in
development and genetic abnormalities, which are great ways to enhance our
knowledge, as we learn what genes do when their absence causes specific
problems. These absences remain abnormal. I emphasise this because it is commonly argued
that intersex people make the language of sexual dimorphism invalid. There are
indeed people whom it is harder to classify as either man or woman, but the
population as a whole is very much bimodally distributed. Having language to
describe these two groups, which have been important for most of history, and
remain important to many people, is not pointless just because a few very rare
people have developed abnormally.
On the other side, it’s important
to recognise that a common argument that sex is genetic is also wrong. For most
of history humanity had no knowledge of genetics. Heritable traits were often
said to be ‘in the blood’; and men and women both have blood. Sex was firmly a
physical thing and if physical reality could be changed, then so would one’s
sex. There are XY people who develop as women.
Eunuchs were said to have been
emasculated. If sex were either genetic or mental, this would not be true.
This is how I, and many others,
have always understood the labels ‘man’ and ‘woman’. It is weird that our
language makes this such a central part of speech, but this is, like so much of
our lives, determined by historical context. I got over it when I was a young
child and my mother agreed that it was odd but that it’s just the way it is,
like calling black people black when mostly they are brown.
People are not the other sex
because they choose to be; but should they undergo surgery and take the
relevant supplements then they most definitely are.
Those 2,600 words define me as a
TERF; hated by the left for not accepting their unjustifiable doctrine, and by
the right for, well, the same. If you haven’t given up in disgust yet, I
commend your patience or curiosity. Let me test your limits by insulting both
of these sides.
The right believes that men and
women have pre-ordained roles in life; and that being a man or woman is a core
part of your essence; and that your sex is not something you choose. Deviations
from these roles might be tolerated if they are mild, and if the deviant
acknowledges their deviancy and broadly supports the general approach of
societal oppression of free-thinking and freedom. For example, an aggressive
woman can be forgiven if she accepts that she is an exception and that women
should be oppressed into passivity in general. An emotional man can be
tolerated if he accepts that he is weak and men should in general be repressed
to point of isolation and mental illness.
This is sick and twisted. It is
also simple and takes away the uncertainty of freedom. People’s roles in life
are clear. There is no complexity to navigate, and many people enjoy that
comfort of being free from uncertainty. There is guaranteed status and
acceptance from conformity, whereas freedom gives the freedom to lose
everything. They want to be ruled, and right-wing idealogues and their
beneficiaries are very happy to oblige. It doesn’t matter that the defining
feature of humanity is our intelligence; this is for day-to-day problems, not
big issues, which have happily been decided by priests, the rich and the
powerful.
The left believes that men and
women are equal, that there are no differences between them and yet also that there
are traits so fundamental to the two sexes that one must choose a different sex
(sorry, gender) if one wants to display them. The left claims to believe in
social freedom, rational thought and progress, but regressed from the position
of equality hard-won by earlier feminists. It is riddled by hypocrisy; whilst
despising the religious bigotry of the right, left-wingers refuse to
contemplate counter-arguments and leap straight into decrying heresy like the
worst fundamentalists. The left claims to want progress, but the progress being
promoted is merely a different doctrine of oppression; the promotion of a
different set of niche interests. The anarchic tumult of ideas on the left
hasn’t promoted rational prioritisation of the most important issues of climate
change and inequality; instead it is clear that people want the immediate
pleasure of self-righteousness without the hard work of accumulating wisdom and
virtue. People do not want to do the hard self-sacrifice of working towards a
distant great shared goal but instead want to achieve personal status by
putting others down.
This is how the other side sees
you. It’s partly because each part of the political spectrum contains a lot of
people, each of whom has their own ideas and approach, rather than all being
identical and consistent. You might be honest and decent, but not all your
political allies are, and we all love to judge our enemies by the worst amongst
them.
There remain further questions
about this issue. What is transgender feeling? Should we acquiesce to demands
anyway to spare people’s feelings?
Transgender rights campaigners
have obviously got considerable emotional investment in the use of pronouns in
the way that they believe is right. I can’t deny that people can use language
amongst themselves however they choose. Families, couples and friends form
their own in-jokes or linguistic quirks. If people wish to use the wrong pronoun
with each other and get enjoyment or comfort out of it this should be no
problem to anyone else at all.
It is the requirement for others
to obey this linguistic rule that crosses a line. If language has rules that
everyone must obey then pronouns refer to one’s physical sex, since that is how
English has worked for centuries. If language’s rules are mutable and language
belongs to no-one then people can choose to misuse pronouns; but they must
accept that others are equally free to use them in the historically consistent
way. And, should a historian somehow show that there is historical precedent
for the less usual version, some historical precedent does not mean that we
must all universally convert to one of many established uses.
Language is about communication;
it is best when people share the same meanings and rules for its use. Any
divergent understanding harms communication. Language might be a playground for
some, in some contexts. It’s harmless to create new words or meanings for
yourself or others. For example, my father referred to his children as ‘wocks’
(derived from the Jabberwocky, a manxome monster); and my mother called the
deep sigh our dog made when settling down or shifting positions a ‘grunge’,
which we came to use of certain human noises as well. But I would never demand
that others refer to children as wocks; nor would I expect the world to find a
new name for grunge music because ‘grunge’ means to me a (slightly) different
type of sound.
I believe that no-one has a right
to demand a change in an entire language. I also think that smaller demands of
the people immediately around you are nonetheless demands. Trans campaigners
have undeniable emotional investment in the use of pronouns their way. If it
matters so much to them, wouldn’t any reasonable person obey just to make them
happy?
This is a whole new subject. The
question, without its specifics, is whether principles should be sacrificed for
emotion.
When I was a child I had a small
‘business’ lending money to fellow pupils at school. I had cash as part of my
sweet-selling business and sometimes people wanted sweets on credit, or just
wanted cash. Cash borrowers were typically disorganised, whimsical and
untrustworthy; organised, self-controlled children rarely had urgent needs for
extra cash. I charged interest that a loan shark would be proud of, and one
such transaction was a loan of £1, with £1.10 to be paid the next day. Young
master Argent (yes, really his very ironic name) never paid me back; he
justified himself by saying “It’s only a pound! Why bother chasing me about it?
It doesn’t matter.”
My answer was, and is, twofold:
firstly, it’s my £1.10, and I am the only one who can decide whether it matters
or not; and secondly, when he was begging me to give him a pound, it seemed to
matter quite a lot.
Right and wrong don’t change based
on the size of the debt; there is no way you can borrow £1m and claim that each
of the million pounds is individually insignificant and therefore should be
written off. The debt is owed. The same applies in other areas of right and
wrong: you can’t order a stranger on the street to satisfy your whims (or you
can, but the stranger can refuse, and should probably also refer you to a
mental health clinic or the police), in exactly the same way that you can’t
enslave another person. One is only one request; the other requests continuing
throughout life. One is smaller, but still wrong.
It might be a small thing to
remember to use the wrong pronouns for a certain individual, but it remains a
demand that no-one can make of you. And if someone reserves the right to judge
you harshly for refusing, he falls into the category of the would-be
slave-owner who resents his slave’s desire for freedom. Everyone, at all times,
has the right to think as they please, to judge others and to choose with whom
they associate. But those judgements can be wrong; outrageously, horrifically,
wrong. If you want to make unreasonable demands of people you meet, based on
arbitrary or faulty beliefs, you are free to do so; and free not to meet again anyone
who refuses to accede to those demands.
But when those demands stray into
the wider public realm: into demands on lawmakers, voting decisions or just
public-facing businesses; or even social pressure on other people and whose
books they choose to read (for example) then I am obliged by both self-interest
and any sort of duty to society that might exist to fight these demands. The
more that trans campaigners vilify any disagreement and throw insults, the more
I cannot stomach their identities. Not because of anything trans-related, but
because the sort of person who prefers mob rule and debate by social pressure;
who cites their identity as sacrosanct and thinks that whoever takes offence
wins any debate; is an awful person who should not be indulged.
My political, economic and
philosophical opinions come from a devotion to truth and reason. My beliefs are
closest to what we call left-wing. Trans campaigners typically hold a lot of
similar beliefs and ought to be my allies. But they seem to get to their
position through an entirely different mechanism that involves no debate, no
striving for truth and a lot of social interaction that seems more focussed on
winning a social battle, not an argument.
In this sense the apparently
unjustifiable doctrine represents all that I despise most in modern society.
Truth, justice, liberty, fraternity… these all build on each other. You need
justice for any sort of good society. You can’t have justice without truth.
Truth is the most basic foundation for anything good. If we fail to question
our beliefs and trust in doctrine then we open ourselves to manipulation and
injustice. Lies are malleable; truth is hard. It doesn’t always fit neatly into
your ideas if you form them first. But if we use truth as a foundation, the
ideas cannot fall.
I was bullied a lot as a child. It
taught me a lot; including thinking carefully about exactly what fair
boundaries are. I was stronger than most or all of my ‘peers’, just unpopular
and increasingly socially inept through lack of social interaction. I thought
very carefully about what was merely rude and what was definitely wrong. I
learned to ignore insults as a lot of sound and fury signifying only the
speakers’ mental incapacity. But if someone hit me; if someone tried to trip me
up; if someone took my property, whether a pencil or a whole bag; these were
unacceptable, and I reacted accordingly. Most of my peers never understood the
difference. To them my sudden violence was random and scary. Their behaviour
was, for them, a gentle escalation of their sadism and getting beaten was an
unpredictable outcome.
There are rules and principles,
and they matter. This is how what one person calls ‘a simple, little thing’ can
engender such spirited resistance at least equal to how hard it is being
pushed. If something is wrong, it is wrong. Little things add up to big ones,
as we are told in calculus: infinitesimal slices sum to real differences. Or,
if you prefer a different aphorism, give them an inch and they’ll take a mile.
Demanding a change in pronouns is
an inch too far. It crosses the line, and no matter how much people protest
that they have no intention of taking more than one inch, someone (perhaps a
different person) usually does. If we return to the level of emotional
investment a transgender person or campaigner has in this issue, it might be
extreme, but that’s irrelevant. Truth and morality do not bend with emotion.
Lies are malleable; truth is not. I have as great an emotional commitment to
the truth as any emotional commitment you can possibly have to a lie. I can be
wrong, as everyone is from time to time, and it hurts, and I learn.
Is my emotional commitment to
truth just sophistry intended to undermine the campaign for linguistic change?
No. But even if it were, it would be a useful point about involving emotion in
determining what is right and wrong, which is that we cannot determine emotion.
We can all claim to be fully emotionally committed to whatever is our
self-interest and there is no way to determine what is more right except the
logic of each position or to doubt the reported lived experience of one side.
If you doubt my commitment to truth, I doubt that others truly base their
self-identity on linguistic quirks.
You might also suggest that I have
a very unusual background in being willing to take a principled stand over
small issues. You would be right; for most people morality is more like karma
in which small things, both right and wrong, are ignored and self-forgiven,
especially if good deeds are done elsewhere. But I see no allowance made in
social discourse for my approach. Trans campaigners do not query others’ use of
correct pronouns and forgive those of us who can justify our position as one of
principle. We are all judged to be bigots without investigation or debate.
It is very much like people who
have valid criticisms of Israel’s foreign policy being dismissed as
anti-semitic. There are many anti-semites in the world who take any opportunity
to criticise anything linked to Judaism. ‘Many’ is not ‘all’, and if you do not
give someone enough rope to hang himself, you are the bigot.
If you don’t want to take the time
to find out, then you must accept the uncertainty of not knowing if that person
is a bigot or not. Bigotry is irrational; truth can not be bigoted (hence why
allegations of fatphobia in ‘the medical establishment’ ring hollow: the truth
is that being fat is unhealthy, affects the whole body and is a leading cause
of morbidity and death). I am laying out rational argument here about trans
‘rights’. I am trying to be reasonable; the correct response is to point out
the flaws or to accept the reasoning. Fighting truth with insults is not
persuasive.
What is transgender feeling? I
don’t know; I am comfortable with my sex. I have wondered what it is like to be
a woman but out of curiosity, as I have also wondered what it would be like to
be a dog, a lion, a bear or literally a fly on the wall: with no desire to be
permanently transformed. But there is, apparently, a feeling out there in some
people that their bodies are wrong.
I have that feeling too. I have
grey hairs. I am a handsome young man trapped in an ugly old body. I loathe
ageing with every fibre of my being; it haunts me every day. No-one has yet
offered me funded medical treatment to amend my body to be youthful once again;
nor does anyone offer to treat me like a handsome man as befits my self-image.
When I express a hope that anti-ageing treatments could be invented, people
scoff and tell me that ageing is normal and that I should embrace oncoming
death. People genuinely expect me to be happy with death but do not expect others
to accept the bodies they were born with!
There are people out there with
body dysmorphia who believe that their own body parts are not their own and
want to remove them: people who want to cut off a hand because their brains do
not recognise the hand as part of their bodies. We treat these people for
mental illness: their body is their body, and wanting to mutilate oneself is
believed to be insane.
What is the difference between
feeling like another sex and each of these examples? I don’t know. Popular
discourse has never explained, and raising the questions is treated as
offensive. Is there some specific type of body dysmorphia in which someone’s
brain genuinely fails to recognise the external sexually dimorphic body parts
as their own? Why does this present itself as wanting to change sex rather than
simply cut them off?
If there is more to being the
other sex, what is it? Is it about conforming to sexual stereotypes: about
enacting a set of prescribed behaviours? Because as I have mentioned already we
should not believe in such tripe. There might be some characters and behaviours
that are more common in one sex, but these correlations do not define the sex,
and either sex is free to behave as they choose within the law and whatever
rules of politeness one adheres to.
This was a short section; it boils
down to a simple question of whether this feeling is any different from any
other fantasy that people entertain about their bodies; and whether any feeling
that does not relate to the body is different from bog-standard sex stereotypes.
It is also worth pondering why
people feel the need to invoke their identity; to make this cause a sacred part
of their lives. Why is it offensive to question it? Why does it engender such
emotion?
The point about taboos in society
is not so much how horrific any behaviour is. There are many awful things we
regard as standard crimes, such as hosting parties while ordering the country
to isolate themselves to prevent viral spread; or such as cars whizzing over a
junction when the lights have turned red because the drivers prefer to hold
others up than wait their turn. Compared to these behaviours, saying a rude
word, or questioning a belief, ought to be nothing. People are directly and
measurably affected in the former, which are also genuine criminal offences.
But the emotional reaction comes
from puncturing the bubble of conformity and power. Taboos are a way for people
to show togetherness by sharing rules; or perhaps, more nastily, for people to
feel less small and worthless by exercising social power over others. I’ve
never understood the concept of ‘atmosphere’ at big events. People talk about
the ‘atmos.’ like some measurable psychic anomaly, but I lack whatever
telepathic abilities the rest of humanity enjoys. ‘Atmosphere’ seems to
correlate with oppressive noise and crowds.
But I acknowledge that most people
have some sort of joy from conformism, just as most people have a bit of a
bully in them and enjoy power over others. Taboos satisfy both these itches. In
mediaeval times there were whole village-wide enthusiasms, and emotions were
regarded as social events, not individual experiences. The obsession with any
particular taboo, be it trying to discuss gender as a concept or using an
unacceptable word, even as a concept rather than an insult, cannot possibly be
because these things cause genuine harm to a person, surely? There must be
more: something about social bonds and rules being broken.
But what if these things do cause
harm? What emotional harm is caused by a concept or a word? Why do we have
trigger warnings and what do they protect people from?
No-one has deigned to explain to
me; the assumption is that if someone else claims suffering then we must all
rearrange our lives to prevent it. I have been abused and manipulated enough in
my life to have a powerful negative reaction to being required to rearrange my
life just because of someone else’s demand unproven claim.
The greatest pain I have ever felt
was the death of my mother, with whom I was very close, and who helped and
supported me through a relatively isolated childhood with few friends and many unpleasantnesses.
It was far worse than when I had worn the skin off the entire soles of my feet
in the wilderness and had to walk miles on swollen, red and raw fleshbags. That
hurt, but grief and mental pain is worse.
What support do we give people for
death? Well, people can choose to have counselling; we give people a two to
five days off work for immediate family members (or most organisations choose
to; it’s not a legal requirement); and we offer condolences and sympathy. Do
the dead ever rise? No. Does the pain of loss ever die? No. It gets buried by
new events in life, but it’s always there, ready to bubble to the surface if
you get jolted the wrong way.
That’s the closest I can imagine
to why people need trigger warnings for other things. I struggle to imagine
that anything can be as bad as death; no traumatic event can compare. But I am
unaware of trigger warnings for death. It’s part of life and it’s my job, as
someone who has experienced family death when most people my age have only had
grandparents die, to deal with it myself. And if I can’t, one can only hope
that I have some friends and family for support, or enough money to buy a
friend – a counsellor. It’s not the problem of random strangers or colleagues.
This is how we expect people to
deal with death. How does this compare with other forms of emotional reaction?
People who hate to hear certain words, such as n***er or re***d, believe that
their emotions are so important that we must all control our behaviour to avoid
causing them mental anguish!
If you hate being insulted, that’s
fair. It’s rude to insult someone, whether it’s using a sneering tone in a
sentence that might otherwise be innocent, or swearing. But if I want to
discuss the nature of offence; to enquire rationally why the fact that re***d
came to be used as an insult by schoolchildren now means that no-one can ever
say it again; then I am not insulting anyone. The only insult is the breaking
of the prohibition on saying or writing it; or some sort of direct mental
anguish someone feels from the very sound itself.
A prohibition without a reason
deserves to be broken; in so far as that’s why people get offended, they
deserve all the anguish I can give. No-one else should get to control my
behaviour just to make them feel unified with me. Unity for its own sake is
repulsive.
That leaves mental anguish from
the sound itself. Clearly the sound is not some sort of magic spell that has
supernatural power. The anguish is a trained response that someone has learned.
I doubt that most people who display offence genuinely feel bad, but I am
willing to assume that some have learned to feel genuinely upset. Perhaps the
word was used in bad situations and they now have a Pavlovian response to the
word itself because of its long association. For example, my father would
describe hiccups as ‘sheer agony’, and I now feel the urge to chuckle whenever
someone uses the word ‘agony’ because it reminds me of his hilarious
over-acting, even though laughing is usually grossly inappropriate.
I know perfectly well that it’s my
own private association, so I control my urge, ignore the feeling and respond
appropriately to the message the speaker intends. This is the correct and
reasonable thing to do. It remains so when the speaker uses a taboo word or
concept but not as an insult. For example, a person might use the word ‘reta*d’
in a summary of a conversation from the 1990s. Relaying this conversation is
not an offensive act. Or someone might use it when trying to discuss the nature
of offence without directly insulting anyone. Again, it should be obvious to
anyone with a brain that the word is not being used as an insult.
We can discuss insult and offence
another time; whether using a negative trait some people are born with as an
insult is reasonable; and whether insults can be deserved. The point here is
that a key feature of an insult is the intention to offend, or a failed duty to
take more care (claiming ignorance of rules or sensitivities isn’t good enough,
just as ignorance of the law doesn’t make criminal acts legal). Is there a duty
to be aware of, and then avoid triggering, sensitivities?
No. Humans aren’t mind-readers,
and we’re responsible for coping with our own emotions. There is no way to be
aware of all sensitivities, and once made aware, no obligation to obey the
implied demand. However, it is civil to respect reasonable requests, which
brings us back to understanding how, and how deeply, someone can be so deeply invested
in not hearing certain words or ideas. Is it a reasonable request? Forming such
attachments seems to me to be an irrational problem that a person should try to
overcome, not a whim that others should indulge. And being unable to hear
specific ideas or concepts is itself a disgraceful attitude. Hearing them doesn’t
mean agreeing with them, although it might lead to learning something: hearing
new, persuasive arguments. Facing up to the fact that others think differently,
whether or not their position is valid, is facing up to the truth. ‘Truth hurts’
is an established maxim, but so is ‘the truth will set you free’. If you want to
avoid harsh reality, your desire is unworthy and you need either to get a grip
on yourself or go to a mental asylum.
That’s a bit bombastic, of course.
People like to invoke their identity, and claim that someone is denying their
very personhood. It’s understandable to be offended if someone says that you do
not exist, that you are mentally ill, or that you deserve no rights. Some
people are mentally ill, and it is one of the sad tasks of friends, medical
staff and police to deal with their often misguided self-image as sane and
reasonable.
But more often than this, people
can be wrong. And a person claiming that you are wrong is not necessarily denying
your rights or personhood, nor being bigoted, even if actually wrong himself.
If you make a claim about having certain rights, and someone cogently argues
against that claim, it’s not necessarily an offensive categorisation of you as
sub-human; it’s a rebuttal of an argument. This
happens every time we discuss rights. I might make the claim that I had the
right to peaceful, undisturbed occupation of a flat that I rented; whereas my
neighbours a few years ago did make the claim that their right to stamp around
for hours in the middle of the night outweighed any right I have to live a
decent life. I was angry; they had so little regard for my rights or my life
that they were happy to steal my life away (because when you lose one to four
hours of sleep every night you don’t live very well the rest of the time
either) to satisfy some weird lifestyle that was grossly inappropriate for
their location. One might say that they denied my personhood. Were they bigots?
No, they were selfish, thoughtless and/or stupid. I had an identity of someone
who deserved a full night’s sleep; they disagreed. If we discuss this conflict
of assumed rights it makes far more sense to consider the arguments rather than
complain that they were offensively denying my personhood. The same holds true
when discussing other identities and situations.
People seem very fond of linking
their opinions to their identity. We are a tribal species, and politics has
once again become dominated by tribal affiliations rather than principled
beliefs. Political parties tell their supporters to find a local issue that
will resonate and then campaign about that; yet this is ludicrous. What is
there to support if the issues are not decided? A party ought to be a group of
people sharing common policies and ideals, and these are what I want to
campaign about should I ever help with campaigning.
But for many people the group
comes first, and then the opinions; the opinions are what one adopts as part of
an identity. Opinions are not coherent and logical conclusions from knowledge
gained, open to refinement by further reasoning or greater knowledge; they are
doctrine that define an identity. Therefore questioning a belief is, in this
perverse and irrational approach to life, undermining a person’s very identity.
This is the only way I can
understand some of the weird assertions I read about in the media and I might
be wrong. But if I am right, such an identity deserves to be questioned, and any
emotional trauma needs to be faced. The truth is a far greater cause than
individuals’ desire for comfortable ignorance. We can impart truth harshly and
meanly, or carefully and gently, so I am not excusing every bit of bullying or
propaganda done in the name of truth, but I also have no time for people whose
main response to any discussion, harsh, unemotional or gentle, is to claim that
it is emotional abuse.
People are also very keen on
status, and for many the way to achieve status is to put others down,
especially enemies. You get a reputation as a virtuous crusader for justice the
more you crusade, just as in mediaeval times, and you get that reputation
because people observe you crusading, not because they know that your target is
evil, again very much like mediaeval crusaders, who were often more brutish
than the moors they fought.
For many modern crusaders the
purpose seems to be not so much a keenness for truth or justice, but to be
crusading and to feel righteous. The craving to feel righteous, and part of the
superior group, is more important than careful judgement of a situation, act or
person; more important than mercy or condign punishment; and more important
than the cause itself, which is a means to a personal end.
This is an easy way to dismiss a
person, and I don’t think that the above criticism should be the first response
to any disagreement. The whole problem is that this attitude of a ‘crusade’
attacks people and is revealed by a refusal to discuss the points at hand. If
we all attack arguments, not people, then any moral righteousness will be
achieved by demonstrating the correct opinion, which seems justified, rather
than by insulting and belittling an opponent whilst not demonstrating the
rightness of one’s side, which is not righteous at all.
The question of whether we should
accede to campaigners’ demands just to make them happier deserved a longer
answer than the original question about sex; possibly an even longer one than
is here. Philosophers have long considered the problem of whether it is better
to live in a false utopia or an unpleasant reality (starting with whether it would
be bad if a devil were to enchant you to permanently dream a nice dream; and
more recently whether AI-driven artificial reality or drug-induced euphoria are
preferable to real life). I am firmly on the side of reality and truth; knowing
that your life, experiences and beliefs are true and real brings incomparable
contentment. We all search for meaning in life, and hard to find though it is,
there is none in falsehood.
You might disagree; you might
think that ignorance is bliss. My local drug dealer would like to hear from you,
as would the Conservative party. But out here, in the real world, I will conduct
my own crusade. If you get in the way; if your pathetic struggles for emotional
affirmation conflict with logic and reason; then I will fight as stubbornly as
you for the most important cause of all and the most affirming thing one can
ever possess: the truth.
I don’t do this out of a sadistic
desire to hurt my enemies. That is a common desire in the right wing; to
conquer others, to be superior and to exercise power, whether over foreigners
or lefties. I don’t think that the generosity and empathy that superficially
characterises lefty campaigning is misguided because I fear that any and all
kindness is weakness which will be abused. That seems to be the right-wing
attitude: a sort of hatred of being nice because it might help others have nice
lives, and others need have worse lives than right-wingers (or worse than
people right-wingers aspire to be!).
I think that generosity is
wonderful and right-wing mean-spiritedness goes far enough to be outright
sadistic and damaging to humanity. But I agree with the implicit mistrust of
comprehensive and thoughtless kindness, being a candle blowing in other people’s
whims, abused and scammed until you need to beg for kindness yourself. That
sort of unmeasured, ungoverned, unprincipled interdependence sounds nice to
hopelessly naïve anarchists, but inevitably leads to abuse and unfairness. The
way to make room for kindness, safely and freely, is to have boundaries. Firm,
unbreakable boundaries. If enough pleading for special cases makes you break a rule,
it’s not a rule.
I don’t think we should throw
money away on pandemic loans to anyone who asks without even basic checks, as the
Conservatives did. I don’t think we should throw money away on the homeless or
the jobless without checking that they are those things, as the Conservatives
fear we do (but did themselves with pandemic furlough benefits); nor should we
throw money away on the jobless just because they claim poverty without
checking how they compare to the wider population, as the Conservatives do with
pensioners. Checks, regulation, enforcement… these are principles that
currently seem to be neither left-wing nor right-wing, with both major parties
focussing more on vote buying from interest groups than on careful governance.
Sometimes - in fact, most of the time – being principled is
in conflict with being nice. Being nice means making compromises, trying to
calm people down and avoid negative emotions by giving people what they want.
Being principled means knowing what is right and wrong and sticking with what
is right no matter what forces you encounter, including the desire to mollify
other people. The more angry and offended they get doesn’t matter: the point is
that no amount of emotion can override a principle.
We apply this when dealing with right-wing bigots (or we
ought); their emotional repugnance at immigration, cultural difference or basic
fairness in society doesn’t mean that they have a point. We might accept that
they have power and we must bow to that power to some extent, but they remain
wrong.
This differs from some people’s approach to morality based on intuition, which
is the emotional feeling of what is right. When your morality is just achieving
the nicest emotions, then others’ offence will be a major part of how you make
what you think are balanced decisions, because it will feel nasty to leave them
so upset. They in turn assume that they are right and that you agree with them.
If you think I’m wrong, I need to
know why. I hate being wrong; it’s hard to be immediately welcoming of
criticism. But days, weeks or maybe months later I will be grateful, and your
opinions and arguments will be mine. If you can’t tell me why, if you can only
cobble together a few insults, quibbles and fallacies, then you need to take a
long look at yourself and wonder why you are engaging with this issue, and
whether it’s the right thing to do. Perhaps you should bite back your anger and,
in time, be grateful for being exposed to better beliefs.