Monday, 22 June 2015

Conservative commitments - 9, 8 fails



Have I mentioned vote-buying yet? This idea is absurd. The Conservatives’ position is ‘It’s your money, you worked hard for it – and you should be able to pass it onto your loved-ones’ (from manifesto). Let’s look at that closely. Whose money is it? Who earned it? The Conservatives have answered that: it’s yours, and you earned it. Did anyone else earn it? It doesn’t look like it. If someone else earned it, why have you got it?
So if no-one else earned it, why is it right and proper for them to get hold of it at all, let alone without any tax? We tax money people get when they genuinely do earn it. Why should money that is unearned be tax-free? We should abolish income tax before we even touch inheritance.
I could go into more detail, about how most people didn’t earn the value of their homes at all. Most people with homes valued between £750,000 and £1m bought when prices were a lot lower and have not earned any of the difference at all; they have merely sat and watched as governments have inflated a price bubble. If the Conservatives only care about money that someone has earned, they shouldn’t be changing inheritance on homes at all.
It’s also worth noting that people whose homes are between £750,000 (twice the current individual threshold) and £1m are actually hugely wealthy. They might not feel it because there’s always a wealthier person out there, and because the economy is so precarious (after 5 years of Conservative coalition) that it feels like it could all vanish fast, but they are much, much richer than most people.
In summary, then, this policy is about ensuring that very rich people get unearned wealth without paying any tax at all. If the Conservatives ever wonder why they’re regarded as the party of the rich, here is one of the best reasons why. They claim that this is about fairness and justice when it’s extraordinarily socially regressive and unjust.
This policy is repeated at 51.

Conservative Commitments 8 - 7 fails



This is a hard one to discuss because people get a bit silly as soon as children are mentioned. Let’s ask a few questions though: why only 3 and 4 –year olds? Why 30 hours when people typically work at least 40?  A related policy is to make childcare tax-free.
The manifesto gives no further detail about this policy. It doesn’t look to be means-tested (except where it also covers 2 year-olds). It’s a direct government subsidy for having children.
I approve of getting paid for my life choices as much as anyone else, but I don’t see why government should actually give in to such demands. If you want to do something, you should bear the costs, and if you can’t bear the costs then don’t do it. The Conservatives talk a lot about the something for nothing culture, and about how welfare payments actually encourage behaviour that increases welfare claims. Here we are with a prime example of where they are doing exactly what they complain about.
I see no reason to help people who have children any more than people who have pets, stuffed toys, electric blankets, computer games, friends… or anything at all. Having children is mostly a choice. Where it’s not a choice, we can support raped women to have abortions without offering child-subsidies.
It doesn’t matter how life-affirming many people find children, nor how much their religion commands them to be fruitful, nor how expensive raising children is. People’s level of commitment to a life choice does not change the fact that it is a choice and there is no good reason for the government to be rewarding people for it. If there were some open reason for this subsidy, such as a deeply evangelical Christian attitude to making babies, we could judge the Conservatives accordingly, but without a reason, this is simply vote-buying with no good justification. It’s not fiscally responsible government.

Tuesday, 16 June 2015

Conservative commitments 7



See 23. In contrast to the preceding policy, this is nicely specific, although it still doesn’t say how it will be ensured. If it did, people would realise that it’s a duplicate promise to the promise to raise the personal allowance to £12,500.
The Conservatives have promised to raise the minimum age to £8/hr. This promise is therefore to ensure that everyone earning £12,480/yr will not pay income tax, exactly as promised elsewhere.
This might be the reporter’s ignorance, so let’s reserve judgement on this one, just noting that it would be open and honest to report that actually it’s the same thing. It’s better for the Conservatives to give the impression of having lots of policies relevant to low-paid workers where they can.

6 fails - 1 neutral - 0 positive

Monday, 15 June 2015

Scrutiny



Scrutiny is a broad topic. As an auditor, I think that scrutiny is important. It’s my job to examine what other people have done to find mistakes, and perhaps find fraud or potential improvements. I’m well-rehearsed in the arguments for having review of others’ work.
            But despite all those arguments, people don’t like audit. Why would that be? We can all imagine why: if you have made a mistake, you don’t want it found and reported on. You want to make it right and forget it as quietly as possible, or perhaps just ignore and forget it. You don’t like the implication that you are less than perfect and dislike the contrast between your own self-image and the deliberately critical view of an auditor looking for and reporting mistakes.
            These are my guesses. It certainly seems that people really take issue with the tone of reports, even when they merely state facts that people acknowledge are true. Having all the bad stuff laid out in one place feels wrong to people; they’re desperate to give context and point to the good stuff they did (instead). It’s fundamentally about how the audit presents them; scrutiny that reported how great they are would be welcomed. If my job were to tell the rest of the company about how great people are, I’d have people asking for audits.
            Teachers and business alike know that the best learning comes from mistakes, and simple logic dictates that the areas most in need of work to improve are the ones that are currently bad. But from students, through employees, to politicians, it’s easier, more satisfying and less personally damaging to manage the message, not address the issues.
            Scrutiny isn’t just something from our professional lives. We all experience scrutiny in a different way in our personal lives. When people look at us, they will form conclusions, and just as in business, people intrinsically care about whether they’re judged well, even if negative judgements might also be fair. People want others to think well of them, not to think accurately of them.
            If you’re a child whose work is often poor, you dread the teacher coming over in class. It means more embarrassment, probably in front of the rest of the class. It means facing the difficulties you have with no escape. If you’re a child whose work is consistently good, teacher attention isn’t so bad. Like Hermione the fictional witch, you put your answers out there, confidently expecting approval and acceptance.
            If you’re a child who is bullied, attention from others means unpleasantness. Someone staring at you is a threat; it is a sign that they’re thinking up ways to criticise or attack you. A group of people looking for you is a sign of aggression, not friendship. If you know a child who takes this view, don’t explain away bullying behaviour as friendship. People’s attitudes are shaped by experiences, and that child needs your support.
            If you’re a popular child, people’s attention is a sign of popularity. It means good things. Attention means invitations to parties, compliments and friendship. Laughter means happiness, not mockery.
            When I hear laughter near me and I didn’t hear the joke, I feel a deep uneasiness. For most of my life that has meant people having fun at my expense. Lots of people associate the sound of laughter with general jollity; it’s a relaxing sign that there is no stress nearby. But that’s a learned response, not a universal fact.
            The learned response to audit is fear. Audit is intended to pick on bad things, but in a professional context. It’s there to help people improve. Businesses want to know about errors and weaknesses in order to fix them. Just like teacher attention, staff should welcome the audit. A lack of desire for an audit ought to be a sign of a poor employee: both because it might imply that there are mistakes to be covered up, and because it shows an unwillingness to improve.
            Where the purpose is improvement, the approach really should be ‘if you have nothing to hide you have nothing to fear’. We need a culture of accepting mistakes, not blaming each other for them; we need to be as open as possible, and treasure the criticism of audits as opportunities to be even better. But most businessmen don’t take that approach. Scrutiny is always nasty.
            What about personal scrutiny? Does bullying merely reflect opportunities for improvement? If you think so, that’s an opportunity to improve your mind. We shouldn’t expect people to welcome personal scrutiny in the same way. It’s not invited, and it’s not purposeful. Audits are a part of business life, and employees should understand that it’s their job. No-one has a personal obligation to undergo scrutiny, although well-meaning friends might suggest it for people who have serious problems.
            When it comes to privacy, the approach that people have nothing to fear if they have nothing to hide simply does not hold true any more. In business, your work is your employer’s; that’s what you’re paid to do, and the employer should be entitled to check it. But the very definition of ‘personal’ implies privacy. As I’ve said before, the people who have nothing to fear from scrutiny in a personal sense are not those who are law-abiding, but those who are boring. There are plenty of private activities for which others will judge you which are legal. Being good at your schoolwork, being fat, having a big or small nose, being homosexual: these are all reasons for bullies to attack schoolchildren or even adults.
            If anything, we should be protecting personal privacy and getting angry with business privacy. But we’re not.
            But the most talked-about form of scrutiny is one I haven’t even addressed yet. The male gaze, which I love so much (because I use it to see) scrutinises women. Or that’s how feminists see it. The feminist intellectual gaze has found error and has judged it. And we need to understand that this isn’t a women’s issue, in which only women can suffer from male dominance. Women are indeed taught to be shy, retiring and not seek the limelight. Women are taught to be chaste, which involves protecting themselves from the male gaze, even to the extent of covering up. In Christian America or Catholic Europe, that might be demure long skirts; in the Middle East, like Egyptian pyramids, it can be a complete cloth wrapping. Feminists recognise that this is a problem, and that women shouldn’t be embarrassed of their own bodies: that it’s not a woman’s job to control the stupid judgements of others.
            But it isn’t an integral feature of being a woman that makes scrutiny feel so demeaning and stressful. There are women who revel in being the centre of attention; who have been popular and well-liked and whose overwhelming experience of attention has been positive. That describes many men, who have been taught to be aggressive go-getters that dominate attention, and whom are praised and rewarded for such behaviour.
            Nonetheless, it is the fear of scrutiny that makes scrutiny of any sort an unpleasant thing. The fear of scrutiny affects all sorts of people, including many young men. Men have the luxury of hiding their bodies, with male clothing not only concealing the size that everyone argues about, but the size of one’s muscles too (if one chooses). I also think that amongst themselves, men typically have a very tolerant attitude; an attitude not shared by some women, if surveys showing that women are a bigger source than men of gossip about other women are correct.
            I do think it would be nice to audit a man who asks a woman on the street to return a smile when he asks for one. I doubt he’d be so happy about scrutiny in his professional life, even though I’ve just described reasons why we should welcome it so much more at work. The men who rise to the top, who are brash and seek attention and do well from it can’t imagine why attention would be a bad thing.
            We need to teach everyone why attention can feel bad, and it seems that audit is a perfect example. I do know people who were happy about audit; who genuinely welcomed it with confidence. But they didn’t strike me as the most brash attention-seeking type of people. These were thoughtful people who weren’t relying on subconscious training into an approach to life.
            We need to recognise that scrutiny is vital in business, and that auditors like me will find room for improvement. Those of us who have experienced negative attention at school, or as women, already know how to deal with it. It is the loud attention-seekers who are currently driving their way to the top of business who hate audit and its focus on the negative, because they haven’t had to build the emotional resilience to negative scrutiny. For them it’s weird and outrageous to think of negative things when there are positives. For some of us, it’s other people’s standard way of thinking of us.
            We also need to recognise that although we should welcome negative scrutiny as professional adults, we do far too much of it in person and as children, and we do it to women and men. We have it exactly the wrong way round. Women should not have to enjoy the attention of men, and men should take the responsibility for teaching them not to enjoy it. It’s the long years of telling women to be modest that makes them reject men who are genuinely intending to be pleasant.
            Finally, women need to understand that not all men are malicious, and that most attention simply doesn’t understand what women have had to deal with through their lives. If I can re-learn how to deal with people (or, at least, control my instinctive reactions), so can others. And, above all, we need to realise that anyone can fear scrutiny, and that if they do, we can’t change that lifelong learning overnight.

Conservative commitments - 6, 6 fails



A laudable goal in some ways, but the devil is in the detail. Why starter homes? Where will they be built? To what quality will they be built? Who will pay for them? This policy is a nothing policy. It’s an aspiration with no substance, and the manifesto gives no further detail, actually describing it as an ambition rather than a promise. Relaxing planning laws is not an option, because the Conservatives don’t want to annoy the NIMBYs who care only about their own house price, not the national or local good. If it were an option, how would quality be ensured?
New homes sounds good to potential buyers, but we already have lots of empty homes up north. I need a flat in central London close to work. Building a house in Kent for me isn’t good enough.
I could go on. This isn’t a proposal to fund high-quality construction in high-demand areas. It’s an aspiration intended to win votes while having no substance at all. Housing is a complex issue and there is no simple solution to the crisis. This policy addresses none of the concerns at all. It is merely intended to look like it.
While I’m here, I also need to address ‘help-to-buy’, another housing scheme that the manifesto promises to extend. Mortgage guarantees are ridiculous market distortions that any economic right-winger should abhor. If banks think the risk is too great without a guarantee, then that person probably shouldn’t have a mortgage! Guaranteeing a mortgage is basically a government subsidy to the banks; too many guaranteed mortgages will eventually default, as the banks’ careful risk analysis shows, the buyers will have paid mortgage interest for nothing, and the government will pick up the tab so that the banks don’t lose.
This is offering to make buyers feel good now in full knowledge that the buyers will actually lose out along with taxpayers. If the Conservatives think that banks’ risks analyses are wrong, that shows a distrust of big business curiously at odds with their usual attitudes.
Help-to-buy is a scheme designed to inflate house prices by helping people get into debts that they cannot afford. It will directly contribute to any future crash, and if it ‘helps’ enough people it will directly cause one.
In housing, where one might expect the Conservatives’ free-market economics to bring some sense to a distorted market, the Conservatives’ dedication to wealthy landowners actually makes them promise to distort the market further, in conflict with economic sense and their own principles.
The housing crisis is an enormous crisis, equivalent to roughly £100,000-£120,000 (estimates vary) transfer of wealth from the young (poor renters) to the old (rich house-owners). It is the single biggest injustice in the country, it is caused by market distortions that right-wing economics would usually hate, and the Conservatives are especially dedicated to making it worse.

Friday, 12 June 2015

Conservative commitments - 5, 5 fails



This is possibly the biggest joke of them all. Housing associations are independent organisations. Offering their assets for sale at a discount (whether topped up by the government or not) is state appropriation of private property. It conflicts directly with (supposedly) deeply-held Conservative beliefs in the sanctity of private property. Conservatives who think that taxes are theft should be outraged about this one.
       Nationalisation of private organisations is deeply anti-Conservative. If they think that the state is better at deciding what to do with property, why so keen on privatising education and the NHS, or on the inefficient railways we have now?
       The people able to afford even discounted homes are actually relatively well-off. They need no further help, although they will of course welcome it. They’re not super-rich by any means. But it is the people without any savings at all for a deposit, or who would be turned down for a mortgage because they have no steady job at all, who need help. There are plenty of poor people not in housing association property.
       If it really is a gross injustice that people pay rent for years on end without getting any asset from it, the Conservatives should introduce the right to buy for all renters, including of private accommodation. That would certainly help spread housing ownership to housing users. I suspect that the large numbers of property investors and landlords in the party might object.
       Right-to-buy is vote-buying, except it’s at an astonishing price (tens of thousands per vote) and it’s taxpayers’ or charities’ money, not party money. Not that that matters, because if they’d been only marginally less subtle about it and offered money from any source for people’s votes it would have been a criminal offence and a scandal.

Thursday, 11 June 2015

Conservative commitments - 4, 4 fails



A free school in this context is a type of academy, which is a not-for-profit, independent, state-funded school. It is free to attend but not controlled by the local authority. Free schools are funded per pupil in the same way as state schools, but receive start-up grants.
The goal of free schools is to improve education by putting parents and interested groups in charge of it rather than teachers and experts working for the DfE. They are also expected to increase local competition, which is regarded as the only force that can drive up standards.
There is a host of issues with this policy, starting with government waste. Government is funding this competition with normal government-funded state schools, in effect duplicating its effort. Some companies run internal competition, but I have yet to see anyone who thinks it’s wise for a company to compete directly with itself for precisely the same market. Yet this policy is supposed to bring efficient business practices to government. The start-up costs for 500 schools will be immense and will be wasted. Free schools often start in areas where no new school is needed, ensuring that pre-existing government buildings that have been maintained for the purpose of education are rendered redundant even if the free school is a success.
We require teachers to have qualifications for a reason; it’s a basic standard to ensure acceptable teaching across the country. If this is a bad idea, school heads could be freed from the requirement without needing to set up new schools just to experiment with unqualified teachers.
Free schools require proposals from keen people. The people who are keenest, and able to negotiate the paperwork and project management to start a new school, are those who are either already well-off or have a specific desire to indoctrinate children. The well-off want to create high-performing schools with just their own children, who will do well anyway due to parental support; this helps explain the few results where free schools have been found to have higher performance. Indoctrination of children, such as for religious reasons, is a bad thing and should not be supported. Children are not parents’ property, to be fed ideas that their parents have chosen. They should be educated as independent people who will grow into independent, free-thinking adults.
Either way, free schools won’t help poor children who have little money or parental support. Children rely on their parents to make good choices. The problem we already have is with parents who cannot or will not make good choices for their children. Providing more choice simply will not help; it will help leave poor children behind.

Tuesday, 9 June 2015

Conservative commitments - 3, 3 fails




Referenda are good for democracy. It is sensible that really important issues are decided independently by the people. However, the referendum on AV shows that campaign funding and political support matter a great deal. In that referendum the Conservatives, having complained at the cost of the referendum, campaigned against it on the grounds that it was complex and would be expensive to switch to.
The cost of switching electoral systems would be that of a few referenda. If the Conservatives were so worried about the cost of democracy, why are they so keen to pay it now?
In an EU referendum, will they tell the electorate that it’s too complex for their feeble little minds and they should just do without the EU, or will they actually educate and explain why the EU is good for us? The referendum could be a terrible idea if the Conservatives campaign in a negative manner. Almost all economists agree, business agrees (except JCB which got caught by the EU for unfair trading practices): staying in the EU will be a good thing.
Sometimes the right thing to do is take the time to explain something, not pander to opinions.

The leader for this story is not a good leader

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